Why the Youth is the Future
August 13, 2007 at 8:14 am | In Liberal Values & Ideologies | Leave a CommentAn essay by Inge Snip
Through history one can see that students started many major changes in history. Not only the French Revolution should be mentioned, but also the revolution-waves around 1848. Especially the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989 in china cannot be forgotten in this perspective. Even in the last few years, it were the students who were able to change politics: The Rose Revolution, The Orange revolution and the Tulip revolution are major examples. Looking at it in a historical perspective: the youth is the future. Read more.
Originally Posted at The Libel.
Young Asians and Contemporary Liberalism in Asia
July 10, 2007 at 9:06 am | In Liberal Values & Ideologies | Leave a Commentby: Rachel Ann Bersemera
Many Western experts on Democracy and Liberalism often claim that Asia has a short history with the liberal Ideology. Asian liberals in general however would counter that contrary to this observation, Asia has a long and rich history of liberal-democratic movement.
Of course, this may not be the kind that highlights individualism or the type that emphasizes the right to self-realization of the individual over collective or familial aspirations, but it is liberalism in the many eyes of Asians nonetheless. More
Unveiling the Filipino Liberal
July 10, 2007 at 7:28 am | In Liberal Values & Ideologies | Leave a CommentBy Marlowe C. Selecios Our predominantly conservative society undeniably looks with suspicious eyes on the Filipino liberal. Driven by his unusual zeal for individual liberty and social equality, the liberal is typecast as an activist, rarely appreciated and often misunderstood. The liberal’s excesses are frequently magnified and highlighted, while his virtues, which are aplenty, understated. His pronounced impatience with the status quo is seen as rebelliousness. His self-confidence is mistaken for arrogance. More
Liberalism of Liberalism
June 4, 2007 at 8:15 am | In Liberal Values & Ideologies | Leave a CommentBy Alex Armengol
Remember at the end of the XXI century and the beginning of last century, the Industrial Revolution (IR). Remember which changes occurred, good and Bad ones. But what made it change was the people who were living day to day the Revolution. Millions died, millions became wealthy, millions starved, millions… What is for sure is that the IR made people change, and the faster you were changing the more predictable future was assured, of course, with some luck as well. Imagine what could happen if 3 big balloons each one at least as big as the IR where pressing us, which changes could be made by people? Imagine 3 big forces, all together, all at the same time, entering in each one’s life. 3 Mixed Revolutions. Well, that is what exactly we are living nowadays. More
Originally Posted at www. iflry.org
Liberalism and Federalism
October 26, 2006 at 8:28 am | In Liberal Values & Ideologies | 1 CommentBy Ronald Meinardus and Gerhard Raichle
Federalism in Germany: “The Federal Republic of Germany shall be a democratic and social federal state.” This is one of the key paragraphs of the German constitution, as it establishes the principles the state is based on. The writers of the constitution deemed federalism so important that they included this provision among the few elements that are not amendable under any circumstances. Federalism has long become a part of the Germans’ political culture. Often, they refer their our country simply as “die Bundesrepublik” – the Federal Republic. This shows how central the concept of political decentralization has become for them.In Germany, the 16 federal states have substantial authority. The citizens of the states do not only elect their own state parliaments, who then choose their own state governments headed by veritable prime ministers. Importantly, these politicians wield genuine political power. They are responsible for all affairs pertaining to culture, internal security, the media, local government and regional taxation. In addition, the “Laender” have a significant say in national affairs. More
The Liberal Agenda for the 21st Century
August 26, 2006 at 4:38 am | In Liberal Values & Ideologies | Leave a CommentThe Liberal Manifesto, adopted by the 48th Congress of Liberal International on 27-30 November 1997 in The Town Hall in Oxford, UK
Inspired by the founders of the Liberal International who fifty years ago launched the Liberal Manifesto, 475 Liberals from every continent have returned to Oxford on 2730 November 1997 to consider Liberal responses to the challenges and opportunities that emerge on the threshold of a new millennium.
Over the past 50 years, substantial progress has been made in establishing open societies based upon political and economic liberty. However, there is still a long way to go. New generations have to define liberal priorities in the face of new opportunities and new dangers.
There remain many challenges to Liberalism: from the violation of human rights, from excessive concentrations of power and wealth; from fundamentalist, totalitarian, xenophobic and racist ideologies, from discrimination on grounds of sex, religion, age, sexual orientation and disability; from poverty and ignorance, from the widening gap between rich and poor; from the misuse of new technologies, from the weakening of social ties, from competition for scarce resources, from environmental degradation in an overcrowded world, from organised crime and from political corruption. Our task as Liberals in the 21st Century will be to seek political responses to these new challenges which promote individual liberty and human rights, open societies and economies, and global cooperation.
Our Liberal Values
We reaffirm our commitment to the principles of Liberalism set out in the International Liberal Manifesto of April 1947: that liberty and individual responsibility are the foundations of civilised society; that the state is only the instrument of the citizens it serves; that any action of the state must respect the principles of democratic accountability; that constitutional liberty is based upon the principles of separation of powers; that justice requires that in all criminal prosecution the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, and to a fair verdict free from any political influence; that state control of the economy and private monopolies both threaten political liberty; that rights and duties go together, and that every citizen has a moral responsibility to others in society; and that a peaceful world can only be built upon respect for these principles and upon cooperation among democratic societies. We reaffirm that these principles are valid throughout the world.
Freedom, responsibility, tolerance, social justice and equality of opportunity: these are the central values of Liberalism, and they remain the principles on which an open society must be built. These principles require a careful balance of strong civil societies, democratic government, free markets, and international cooperation.
We believe that the conditions of individual liberty include the rule of law, equal access to a full and varied education, freedom of speech, association, and access to information, equal rights and opportunities for women and men, tolerance of diversity, social inclusion, the promotion of private enterprise and of opportunities for employment. We believe that civil society and constitutional democracy provide the most just and stable basis for political order. We see civil society as constituted by free citizens, living within a framework of established law, with individual rights guaranteed, with the powers of government limited and subject to democratic accountability.
We believe that an economy based on free market rules leads to the most efficient distribution of wealth and resources, encourages innovation, and promotes flexibility.
We believe that close cooperation among democratic societies through global and regional organisations, within the framework of international law, of respect for human rights, the rights of national and ethnic minorities, and of a shared commitment to economic development worldwide, is the necessary foundation for world peace and for economic and environmental sustainability.
The advance of Liberalism, 1947-97
We welcome the progress made over the past fifty years in putting Liberal principles into practice in a growing number of countries:
the return of freedom and democracy to the former communist countries in Europe
the spread of democratic government and the rule of law.
the end of colonialism, with previously-subject peoples gaining the opportunity for self-government.
the retreat of the state from control of national economies, with widespread acceptance that market economies create wealth more effectively and distribute it more widely.
the transformation of education from a privilege for a minority to a life-long process for a rising proportion of citizens.
growing respect for human rights, both within states and as a subject for international oversight and – where necessary – intervention.
a growing national and international awareness of the human rights of women and children.
the extension of the rules of equality to sexual minorities and the recognition that homosexuality and lesbianism are legitimate expressions of personal proclivities.
the consolidation of an open international economy, within an agreed framework of international regulation.
the strengthening of international law and of global and regional institutions.
increased freedom of information, communication and travel, both within and across national boundaries.
acceptance that shared responsibility within the world community extends to a common obligation to tackle world poverty and to protect the global environment.
The challenge for our generation
We recognise that these achievements have been won so far for only a minority of humankind.
The challenges we face in the next fifty years are to build on what has been achieved, to extend the principles of liberalism throughout the world, and to harness the forces of change to consolidate rather than to undermine the development of open societies.
The challenges we face include:
1. The challenge of extending democracy.
Liberal democracy has at last become widely accepted as the global model for political organisation. But only a minority of states are yet properly democratic. Authoritarian regimes, military elites usurping power, abuse of state powers for partisan purposes, criminal elements gaining influence over government, power-seekers exploiting popular hopes and fears, still block the path to liberty. We call on all governments and peoples
* to discriminate in international relations in favour of governments which observe the rules of human rights and democracy;
* to abolish capital punishment all over the world;
* to strengthen the rule of law and to promote good governance within a genuinely democratic framework;
* to redirect public spending from military expenditure towards investment in social capital, sustainability, and the alleviation of poverty;
* to limit the sale of arms, and to prevent the sale of the means of repression to non-democratic regimes, and to promote the effectiveness of the UN register of conventional arms;
* to combat corruption, organised crime and terrorism;
* to promote media free from undue control or interference by government or dominant companies;
* to instil through education the crucial importance of tolerance to the very existence of a civilised society
2. The challenge of violence and of global governance.
In a world filled with violent conflicts, one of the most critical tasks is to find effective means of avoiding violence. An increasingly interdependent world also requires a high standard of international cooperation to promote a secure, sustainable and equitable world order. Transnational crime, intractable disease, environmental pollution and the threat of climate change pose additional challenges for international cooperation. Liberals are committed to strengthen global governance through the United Nations and through regional cooperation. We call on all governments to join in the initiative to establish an international criminal court with jurisdiction over war criminals. Our objective in the 21st century is to build a liberal world order securely based upon the rule of law and backed by appropriate global and regional institutions.
3. The challenge of improving democracy.
We recognise that democratic practices must be extended further to meet the expectations of more educated societies and to protect against disillusionment with representative government. Citizens deserve better access to information, more effective parliamentary controls on executive power, wider opportunities to play an active part in public life and to question their governments. The principle of subsidiarity must be fully respected, to give the maximum autonomy to regions and local communities. Effective decentralisation of political power to self-governing communities remains the best way to empower every citizen.
4. The tension between self-government and human rights.
Self-government, more specifically state sovereignty, can conflict with individual freedom and human rights. Authoritarian regimes abuse the principle of sovereignty to bar intervention to support those who are denied freedom. Liberals insist that human rights are indivisible and universal, and do not depend on citizenship of a specific state, or on membership of a particular ethnic or social group, gender, religion or political party. Adequate sanctions should be found by the international community against governments which refuse to observe the principles of an open international society.
5. The challenge of poverty and social exclusion.
Poverty, unemployment, and social exclusion blight the lives of men and especially of women, children and the elderly, and present major dangers to civil society. Poverty breeds despair and despair breeds extremism, intolerance and aggression. The central question in the alleviation of poverty is how to provide people with the means to fight poverty themselves, to lift themselves out of poverty. We call for an active policy, creating opportunity for education and employment, assistance for those who cannot help themselves, resting upon a partnership between public and private provision. Public institutions and welfare systems must be as flexible and as locally administered as possible, aiming to promote individual responsibility and respond to individual circumstances.
6. The challenge of lean government.
The age-old misconception that it is government’s business to organise people’s happiness is heading for crisis, if not collapse, all over the world. In most industrialised countries, exaggerated and ill-targeted systems of social security and redistribution threaten to break down, and state budgets to impose ever-increasing debt burdens on future generations. In developing countries, attempts to promote development exclusively or predominantly by government action are bound to fail, through overloading government and stifling private initiative, the only factor that can produce really sustainable development. Liberals recognise that the capacity of government is limited, that ‘big government’ and the growth of state expenditure are themselves serious threats to a free society, and that limiting the scope of government and retrenchment of government spending must therefore be given priority.
7. The need for a new contract between generations.
We recognise the tensions between the immediate pressures of demand and consumption and the long-term interests of community and environment, with which governments as trustees for society must be concerned. We seek a new contract between generations, recognising the benefits which current consumers and citizens have received from earlier investment and the responsibilities they carry to maintain and renew the natural environment, cultural treasures, public assets and social capital for future generations. Prices should reflect the underlying costs of pollution and of the exploitation of natural resources.
8. The challenge of scientific and technological progress.
We welcome the economic and social opportunities presented by new technologies and scientific innovation. But we also recognise the need for public scrutiny of their potential impact, and misuse, and for national and international regulation. The precautionary principle should be the governing principle in all sectors of human activity. This is particularly true for the threat of climate change, which mankind has to address immediately. Binding agreements and timetables for substantial reductions of the consumption of fossil fuels are urgently needed. Consumption must be kept within the regenerative capacities of the ecosystems. All chemicals, genetically engineered substances and industrial products should be carefully tested before they are commercially utilised. We also welcome the revolution in communications, which offers new opportunities to promote creativity, decentralisation, and individual autonomy and initiative. Liberals insist upon diverse channels of communication, provided through competition in the open market. Information, networks and other communication structures must be widely accessible, with open systems for producers and consumers and public interest bodies.
9. The challenge of creating open markets.
Open societies need open markets. A liberal, open and tolerant society requires a market economy. Political freedom and economic freedom belong together. With the markets of ideas and innovations, with the competition for the best solution, the market economy creates a dynamic progress that provides the best opportunity for an independent life. With the underlying principle of private property and a legal framework to prevent monopolies, open markets generate private initiative and the economic means for social assistance. Bureaucratic regulations of market economics and protectionism are therefore barriers for new chances and new jobs in developing countries as well as in the industrialised world.
In order to achieve an ecologically and socially sustainable development the emphasis should be shifted from taxation of labour to taxation of energy and raw material consumption. Without such a change the environmental problems and the unemployment will continue to increase.
10. The challenge of world-wide development.
Corrupt and authoritarian government, weak states and societies, unemployment, impoverishment, illiteracy, and over-population all contribute to environmental degradation, generate flows of migrants and refugees, and provoke revolts against political and social order. It is in the long-term self-interest of the developed world to encourage human progress, and assist economic development within poor countries; it is also a moral responsibility. Since open global markets best serve to promote prosperity, within both rich and poor countries, Liberals will have to aggressively re-emphasise, and to the best of their ability implement, their firm conviction that free trade, by giving the best opportunities to the economically weak, is the safest way towards overcoming poverty in the world. Resistance to economic protectionism therefore remains a key Liberal commitment.
At the dawn of the 21st century we commit ourselves as Liberals to work together to meet these challenges. We reaffirm the Liberal commitment to place the freedom and dignity of every human being at the centre of our political life.
The Liberal Manifesto, adopted by the 48th Congress of Liberal International on 27-30 November 1997 in The Town Hall in Oxford, UK
Inspired by the founders of the Liberal International who fifty years ago launched the Liberal Manifesto, 475 Liberals from every continent have returned to Oxford on 2730 November 1997 to consider Liberal responses to the challenges and opportunities that emerge on the threshold of a new millennium.
Over the past 50 years, substantial progress has been made in establishing open societies based upon political and economic liberty. However, there is still a long way to go. New generations have to define liberal priorities in the face of new opportunities and new dangers.
There remain many challenges to Liberalism: from the violation of human rights, from excessive concentrations of power and wealth; from fundamentalist, totalitarian, xenophobic and racist ideologies, from discrimination on grounds of sex, religion, age, sexual orientation and disability; from poverty and ignorance, from the widening gap between rich and poor; from the misuse of new technologies, from the weakening of social ties, from competition for scarce resources, from environmental degradation in an overcrowded world, from organised crime and from political corruption. Our task as Liberals in the 21st Century will be to seek political responses to these new challenges which promote individual liberty and human rights, open societies and economies, and global cooperation.
Our Liberal Values
We reaffirm our commitment to the principles of Liberalism set out in the International Liberal Manifesto of April 1947: that liberty and individual responsibility are the foundations of civilised society; that the state is only the instrument of the citizens it serves; that any action of the state must respect the principles of democratic accountability; that constitutional liberty is based upon the principles of separation of powers; that justice requires that in all criminal prosecution the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, and to a fair verdict free from any political influence; that state control of the economy and private monopolies both threaten political liberty; that rights and duties go together, and that every citizen has a moral responsibility to others in society; and that a peaceful world can only be built upon respect for these principles and upon cooperation among democratic societies. We reaffirm that these principles are valid throughout the world.
Freedom, responsibility, tolerance, social justice and equality of opportunity: these are the central values of Liberalism, and they remain the principles on which an open society must be built. These principles require a careful balance of strong civil societies, democratic government, free markets, and international cooperation.
We believe that the conditions of individual liberty include the rule of law, equal access to a full and varied education, freedom of speech, association, and access to information, equal rights and opportunities for women and men, tolerance of diversity, social inclusion, the promotion of private enterprise and of opportunities for employment. We believe that civil society and constitutional democracy provide the most just and stable basis for political order. We see civil society as constituted by free citizens, living within a framework of established law, with individual rights guaranteed, with the powers of government limited and subject to democratic accountability.
We believe that an economy based on free market rules leads to the most efficient distribution of wealth and resources, encourages innovation, and promotes flexibility.
We believe that close cooperation among democratic societies through global and regional organisations, within the framework of international law, of respect for human rights, the rights of national and ethnic minorities, and of a shared commitment to economic development worldwide, is the necessary foundation for world peace and for economic and environmental sustainability.
The advance of Liberalism, 1947-97
We welcome the progress made over the past fifty years in putting Liberal principles into practice in a growing number of countries:
the return of freedom and democracy to the former communist countries in Europe
the spread of democratic government and the rule of law.
the end of colonialism, with previously-subject peoples gaining the opportunity for self-government.
the retreat of the state from control of national economies, with widespread acceptance that market economies create wealth more effectively and distribute it more widely.
the transformation of education from a privilege for a minority to a life-long process for a rising proportion of citizens.
growing respect for human rights, both within states and as a subject for international oversight and – where necessary – intervention.
a growing national and international awareness of the human rights of women and children.
the extension of the rules of equality to sexual minorities and the recognition that homosexuality and lesbianism are legitimate expressions of personal proclivities.
the consolidation of an open international economy, within an agreed framework of international regulation.
the strengthening of international law and of global and regional institutions.
increased freedom of information, communication and travel, both within and across national boundaries.
acceptance that shared responsibility within the world community extends to a common obligation to tackle world poverty and to protect the global environment.
The challenge for our generation
We recognise that these achievements have been won so far for only a minority of humankind.
The challenges we face in the next fifty years are to build on what has been achieved, to extend the principles of liberalism throughout the world, and to harness the forces of change to consolidate rather than to undermine the development of open societies.
The challenges we face include:
1. The challenge of extending democracy.
Liberal democracy has at last become widely accepted as the global model for political organisation. But only a minority of states are yet properly democratic. Authoritarian regimes, military elites usurping power, abuse of state powers for partisan purposes, criminal elements gaining influence over government, power-seekers exploiting popular hopes and fears, still block the path to liberty. We call on all governments and peoples
* to discriminate in international relations in favour of governments which observe the rules of human rights and democracy;
* to abolish capital punishment all over the world;
* to strengthen the rule of law and to promote good governance within a genuinely democratic framework;
* to redirect public spending from military expenditure towards investment in social capital, sustainability, and the alleviation of poverty;
* to limit the sale of arms, and to prevent the sale of the means of repression to non-democratic regimes, and to promote the effectiveness of the UN register of conventional arms;
* to combat corruption, organised crime and terrorism;
* to promote media free from undue control or interference by government or dominant companies;
* to instil through education the crucial importance of tolerance to the very existence of a civilised society
2. The challenge of violence and of global governance.
In a world filled with violent conflicts, one of the most critical tasks is to find effective means of avoiding violence. An increasingly interdependent world also requires a high standard of international cooperation to promote a secure, sustainable and equitable world order. Transnational crime, intractable disease, environmental pollution and the threat of climate change pose additional challenges for international cooperation. Liberals are committed to strengthen global governance through the United Nations and through regional cooperation. We call on all governments to join in the initiative to establish an international criminal court with jurisdiction over war criminals. Our objective in the 21st century is to build a liberal world order securely based upon the rule of law and backed by appropriate global and regional institutions.
3. The challenge of improving democracy.
We recognise that democratic practices must be extended further to meet the expectations of more educated societies and to protect against disillusionment with representative government. Citizens deserve better access to information, more effective parliamentary controls on executive power, wider opportunities to play an active part in public life and to question their governments. The principle of subsidiarity must be fully respected, to give the maximum autonomy to regions and local communities. Effective decentralisation of political power to self-governing communities remains the best way to empower every citizen.
4. The tension between self-government and human rights.
Self-government, more specifically state sovereignty, can conflict with individual freedom and human rights. Authoritarian regimes abuse the principle of sovereignty to bar intervention to support those who are denied freedom. Liberals insist that human rights are indivisible and universal, and do not depend on citizenship of a specific state, or on membership of a particular ethnic or social group, gender, religion or political party. Adequate sanctions should be found by the international community against governments which refuse to observe the principles of an open international society.
5. The challenge of poverty and social exclusion.
Poverty, unemployment, and social exclusion blight the lives of men and especially of women, children and the elderly, and present major dangers to civil society. Poverty breeds despair and despair breeds extremism, intolerance and aggression. The central question in the alleviation of poverty is how to provide people with the means to fight poverty themselves, to lift themselves out of poverty. We call for an active policy, creating opportunity for education and employment, assistance for those who cannot help themselves, resting upon a partnership between public and private provision. Public institutions and welfare systems must be as flexible and as locally administered as possible, aiming to promote individual responsibility and respond to individual circumstances.
6. The challenge of lean government.
The age-old misconception that it is government’s business to organise people’s happiness is heading for crisis, if not collapse, all over the world. In most industrialised countries, exaggerated and ill-targeted systems of social security and redistribution threaten to break down, and state budgets to impose ever-increasing debt burdens on future generations. In developing countries, attempts to promote development exclusively or predominantly by government action are bound to fail, through overloading government and stifling private initiative, the only factor that can produce really sustainable development. Liberals recognise that the capacity of government is limited, that ‘big government’ and the growth of state expenditure are themselves serious threats to a free society, and that limiting the scope of government and retrenchment of government spending must therefore be given priority.
7. The need for a new contract between generations.
We recognise the tensions between the immediate pressures of demand and consumption and the long-term interests of community and environment, with which governments as trustees for society must be concerned. We seek a new contract between generations, recognising the benefits which current consumers and citizens have received from earlier investment and the responsibilities they carry to maintain and renew the natural environment, cultural treasures, public assets and social capital for future generations. Prices should reflect the underlying costs of pollution and of the exploitation of natural resources.
8. The challenge of scientific and technological progress.
We welcome the economic and social opportunities presented by new technologies and scientific innovation. But we also recognise the need for public scrutiny of their potential impact, and misuse, and for national and international regulation. The precautionary principle should be the governing principle in all sectors of human activity. This is particularly true for the threat of climate change, which mankind has to address immediately. Binding agreements and timetables for substantial reductions of the consumption of fossil fuels are urgently needed. Consumption must be kept within the regenerative capacities of the ecosystems. All chemicals, genetically engineered substances and industrial products should be carefully tested before they are commercially utilised. We also welcome the revolution in communications, which offers new opportunities to promote creativity, decentralisation, and individual autonomy and initiative. Liberals insist upon diverse channels of communication, provided through competition in the open market. Information, networks and other communication structures must be widely accessible, with open systems for producers and consumers and public interest bodies.
9. The challenge of creating open markets.
Open societies need open markets. A liberal, open and tolerant society requires a market economy. Political freedom and economic freedom belong together. With the markets of ideas and innovations, with the competition for the best solution, the market economy creates a dynamic progress that provides the best opportunity for an independent life. With the underlying principle of private property and a legal framework to prevent monopolies, open markets generate private initiative and the economic means for social assistance. Bureaucratic regulations of market economics and protectionism are therefore barriers for new chances and new jobs in developing countries as well as in the industrialised world.
In order to achieve an ecologically and socially sustainable development the emphasis should be shifted from taxation of labour to taxation of energy and raw material consumption. Without such a change the environmental problems and the unemployment will continue to increase.
10. The challenge of world-wide development.
Corrupt and authoritarian government, weak states and societies, unemployment, impoverishment, illiteracy, and over-population all contribute to environmental degradation, generate flows of migrants and refugees, and provoke revolts against political and social order. It is in the long-term self-interest of the developed world to encourage human progress, and assist economic development within poor countries; it is also a moral responsibility. Since open global markets best serve to promote prosperity, within both rich and poor countries, Liberals will have to aggressively re-emphasise, and to the best of their ability implement, their firm conviction that free trade, by giving the best opportunities to the economically weak, is the safest way towards overcoming poverty in the world. Resistance to economic protectionism therefore remains a key Liberal commitment.
At the dawn of the 21st century we commit ourselves as Liberals to work together to meet these challenges. We reaffirm the Liberal commitment to place the freedom and dignity of every human being at the centre of our political life.
(originally taken from Liberal International website)
Why the Youth is the Future
August 13, 2006 at 8:10 am | In Liberal Values & Ideologies | Leave a CommentAn essay by Inge Snip
Through history one can see that students started many major changes in history. Not only the French Revolution should be mentioned, but also the revolution-waves around 1848. Especially the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989 in china cannot be forgotten in this perspective. Even in the last few years, it were the students who were able to change politics: The Rose Revolution, The Orange revolution and the Tulip revolution are major examples. Looking at it in a historical perspective: the youth is the future.
Historical context
Although credits are being given to politicians and generals in many revolutions, it were students who started the, peaceful, riots and who were the fundament of many changes. During the French revolution it were students who initiated the patriot-groups (Palmer). For example, two years before the French revolution, there already took a small revolution place in the Netherlands. In a number of cities, students set up several revolutionary groups. These insurrectionists called themselves patriots. With the so-called exercitiegenootschappen they hoped to be able to fight against the army, who supported the city holder. Several of these groups joined the French in 1792 (Klein). Concluding, students were of importance for the beginning and follow up of the French revolution.
The liberal revolutions of 1848 also have an origin within active student groups. The aim of these insurrections were to institutionalize a liberally political system, making a liberal constitution and, in some European countries, the dissipating strange dominators. In Holland a new liberal constitution was established. The King, Willem II, changed in one night of point of view. He established a constitution commission, under the guidance of the liberal Thorbecke. They came with serious modifications. The new constitution is the basis of the Dutch’s current parliamentary model (Donner).
Probably the most illustrating example is the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989 in China. It was the first massive protest against the communist party of China and its undemocratic institutions (Palmer). In May the students occupied the square, on which even a replica of the American freedom picture was placed by the students. In the night of 3 on 4 June the army crushed with tanks an unknown number of demonstrators. The estimates concerning the number of deaths diverge of 400-800 according to the American Central Intelligence Agency and up to 2600 according to the Chinese red cross. Although many students gave their life, it is clear they arose a change in China self and in the international view on China.
Last few years
Historically students initiated, peaceful, revolutions. Nowadays in Eastern Europe and Central-Asia student activism flourishes again, also characterized by resistance against the dictatorship in their country. These young people – and student movements pursuit the ideal of democracy and peace. Each of these movements included extensive work by student activists. The most famous of these was Otpor, the youth movement that helped bring in Vojislav Koštunica in Serbia. In Georgia the movement was called Kmara. In Ukraine the movement has worked under the succinct slogan Pora. The youth resistance group KelKel supported the revolution in Kyrgyzstan.
The Rose-Revolution in Georgia began after the controversial elections in 2003, and led to overthrowing Eduard Shevardnadze. Mikhail Saakashvili replaced him after new elections in March 2004. The youth movement Kmara was head role player (Khidasheli). The orange revolution in Ukraine led to the cancellation of the result of the presidential elections and resulted in a second round of the elections. Opposition leader Viktor Yushchenko was exclaimed as president. (Khokhlova). The Tulips-revolution in Kyrgyzstan was more violent than its predecessors and followed on controversial parliamentary elections in 2005. This revolution was supported by the youth resistance group KelKel (eurasianet).
Concluding
Although one can question whether it were always the students who initiated the democratic changes and, peaceful, revolutions; it is clear that they played a large role throughout times. Therefor, it is important for us, the youth, to stay active and involved. Where there are situations in which you disagree, you should speek up. As Eleanor Roosevelt said: “You must do the thing you think you cannot do”. And that includes changing the world, a country, towards a democratic and liberal place.
Originally Posted at The Libel.
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